One Simple Question & A Very Deep Rabbit Hole

Part Three: How Power Invented Race

If you’ve followed this series from the beginning, you already know two things that most people were never explicitly taught.

First — we are all one family. Theology and genetics arrive at identical conclusions via completely different routes. Every human being alive today traces their ancestry back to the same small population in Africa. Skin colour is evolutionary adaptation to geography. Nothing more.

Second — the power structures that came to dominate human civilisation weren’t inevitable or natural. They were built, deliberately, on the back of an agricultural revolution that created surplus, broke the social accountability of small communities, and created a vacuum that force and religion rushed to fill.

Which brings us to the darkest thread of all.

If power had already been building hierarchies for thousands of years before race entered the picture — if ancient Rome enslaved pale-skinned Britons and Germanic peoples without any racial ideology — then when exactly did skin colour become a weapon?

The answer is uncomfortably specific.

And uncomfortably recent.


This is the part that genuinely surprised me when I went looking.

Race — as a systematic, codified ideology asserting the biological inferiority of dark-skinned peoples — is not ancient. It is not instinctive. It did not emerge organically from human nature.

It was constructed. By specific people. At a specific moment in history. For specific economic reasons.

Historian Nell Irvin Painter, in her landmark work The History of White People (2010), traces the origins of racial categorisation with forensic precision and arrives at a conclusion that should fundamentally change how we think about prejudice. The concept of a “white race” as a coherent, superior category didn’t exist in antiquity. The ancient Greeks and Romans categorised people by geography, culture, and citizenship — not by the colour of their skin.

Painter argues that what we understand as race today is a product of the early modern period — roughly the 1400s to 1700s — constructed to serve a very particular economic purpose.


In the mid 1400s, Portuguese maritime traders began systematically trafficking enslaved Africans. It was not the first instance of slavery in human history — not by thousands of years. But it was the beginning of something qualitatively different from anything that had come before.

Previous slavery, as historian Orlando Patterson documents in Slavery and Social Death (1982), was largely the product of conquest, debt, or criminal punishment. It crossed every ethnic and geographic line. A Roman slave might be from Britain, Germany, North Africa, or Greece. A freed slave’s children were free. The condition was terrible but it was not, in theory, permanent and inherited.

What the Portuguese slave trade needed — and what the Spanish colonial enterprise that followed required on an industrial scale — was something fundamentally different.

It needed a permanent underclass.

Not people who were enslaved because they were defeated.

People who were enslaved because of what they were.

Because if enslavement is a condition of defeat, it ends when the war ends, the debt is repaid, or freedom is granted. But if enslavement is a condition of nature — if it is written into the body, visible in the skin, ordained by God — then it is permanent. Inheritable. Self-perpetuating across generations.

Cheaper to maintain. Impossible to escape.

And there was another problem that needed solving.


Europe in the 1400s was a deeply Christian civilisation. And Christianity — whatever its institutional failures — carried at its theological core the teaching that all souls were equal before God.

The Church had already, uncomfortably, banned the enslavement of fellow Christians.

So the machinery of colonial profit faced a genuine ideological obstacle. You cannot build a continent-scale slave economy on the labour of people your own religion tells you are your spiritual equals.

The solution, as historian Ibram X. Kendi documents in Stamped From the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America (2016), was not to abandon the slave trade. It was to construct a theology and later a biology that placed African peoples outside the category of full humanity.

Church scholars produced tortured readings of scripture — most notoriously the so-called “Curse of Ham” from Genesis 9 — arguing that dark-skinned Africans were divinely marked for servitude. It was not, Kendi argues, a sincere theological position. It was a conclusion reached first, with justification constructed afterward to fit.

The cart before the horse. The verdict before the evidence.

And it worked. For centuries.


By the 1700s the ideological architecture was firmly established. But the Enlightenment created a new problem for the machinery of racial hierarchy.

Science was emerging as the new authority. Reason was replacing revelation as the dominant framework for understanding the world. If racial hierarchy was going to survive the age of reason it needed to stop relying purely on scripture.

It needed data.

And so began one of the most shameful chapters in the history of science.

Naturalist Carl Linnaeus — the father of modern biological classification — published his Systema Naturae in 1735, in which he categorised human beings into distinct racial types, assigning characteristics that were not merely physical but moral and intellectual. Europeans were described as governed by law and reason. Africans were described in terms that explicitly justified subjugation.

Johann Friedrich Blumenbach coined the term “Caucasian” in 1775, constructing a racial hierarchy with Europeans at the apex. Samuel Morton spent decades in the early 1800s measuring human skulls, claiming to demonstrate scientifically that different races had different intellectual capacities. His data, as paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould forensically demonstrated in The Mismeasure of Man (1981), was riddled with unconscious bias and selective measurement — conclusions first, data adjusted to fit.

These were not fringe figures. They were the leading scientists of their era. Their work was cited in legislatures, courts, and pulpits across the Western world to justify slavery, colonialism, and later segregation.


Here is where the thread connects back to the conversation that started this whole series.

We noted in Part One that Australia has the highest skin cancer rates in the world — a direct biological consequence of a predominantly fair-skinned population living under UV radiation their skin was never designed for. And that Aboriginal Australians, whose ancestors evolved in this high-UV environment, were perfectly adapted to it.

What the history in this post adds to that observation is something darker.

The same racial ideology constructed in Europe to justify the Atlantic slave trade travelled directly to Australia with the First Fleet in 1788. Aboriginal Australians were, within that ideological framework, categorised as among the lowest of races — a classification that was used to justify dispossession, massacres, the removal of children from families, and policies of deliberate cultural destruction that continued, in various forms, well into the twentieth century.

The science that “proved” racial hierarchy was, as Gould and others demonstrated, fraudulent from the beginning. But fraudulent science embedded in law, policy, and popular culture causes real and lasting damage long after the fraud is exposed.

Australia is still, in many respects, reckoning with that damage today.


Stand back and look at all three parts of this series together and a single arc emerges.

Humanity began as one family — cooperative, nomadic, and by archaeological evidence remarkably equal. We carry that origin in our DNA. Every genetic analysis confirms it. Skin colour is nothing more than our ancestors’ address from 50,000 years ago.

Farming created surplus. Surplus created hierarchy. Hierarchy needed justification. Religion provided it. For thousands of years, power organised itself around conquest, class, and divine appointment — but not yet around skin colour.

Then the economics of colonial slavery created a demand for a permanent underclass. And race — the idea that dark skin signified biological inferiority — was constructed, deliberately and cynically, to fill that demand. First by theologians. Then by scientists. Then embedded so deeply into law, culture, and education that it began to feel like nature rather than invention.


None of this is ancient history in any meaningful sense. The racial classifications constructed in the 1400s and 1500s were embedded in Australian law within living memory. The fraudulent science used to justify them was being taught in universities well into the twentieth century.

Ideas have long half-lives. Especially ideas that serve the interests of people with the power to keep them circulating.

But here is the genuinely hopeful thread running through all of this.

If race was constructed, it can be deconstructed. If the hierarchy was invented, it can be uninvented. If the story was written by people with economic motives, it can be rewritten by people with the full weight of genetics, archaeology, and honest history behind them.

The evidence was always there. We just needed to follow it.


For anyone who wants to pull these threads further, the following works informed this series and are worth your time:

On human origins and early civilisation

  • Harari, Y.N. (2011) Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind — Harper Collins
  • Diamond, J. (1997) Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies — W.W. Norton
  • Graeber, D. & Wengrow, D. (2021) The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity — Farrar, Straus and Giroux

On the construction of race

  • Painter, N.I. (2010) The History of White People — W.W. Norton
  • Kendi, I.X. (2016) Stamped From the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America — Nation Books
  • Patterson, O. (1982) Slavery and Social Death — Harvard University Press

On scientific racism and its debunking

  • Gould, S.J. (1981) The Mismeasure of Man — W.W. Norton

On Australian history in this context

  • Reynolds, H. (1981) The Other Side of the Frontier — University of Queensland Press
  • Atkinson, A. (1997) The Europeans in Australia — Oxford University Press

On skin cancer and UV adaptation in Australia

  • Cancer Council Australia — cancercouncil.com.au
  • Slevin, T. & Whiteman, D. (2016) Why Does Australia Have So Much Skin Cancer? — Cancer Council WA / The Conversation

Juanita Kees writes romance and paranormal mystery, and occasionally follows historical rabbit holes to places that make her put down her coffee and stare at the wall for a while. Find her fiction at https://juanitakees.com/

Published by Juanita Kees

Award Winning Author; RWA RUBY Nominee; Diploma in Proofreading, Editing and Publishing; Published author since 2012; Debut Author with Harlequin's digital pioneer, Escape Publishing.

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